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Die aktuelle Ausgangssperre kann schnell dazu führen, dass echte Langeweile aufkommt. Alles, was man sonst so in den üblichen. In the cities that used a high profile approach, there were three times as many officers visible.

Policing in low profile cities was more carried out according to the tactical concept and the behavioural profile that was initially agreed on.

Relating the different styles of policing to the number of violent incidents, the highest number of incidents was measured at games that had been assessed as posing low risk but that were policed with a high-profile strategy.

However, they only show that a certain style is working, not why. The ESIM puts an emphasis on the interactive character of a crowd situation and the mutual influence of the participating groups.

It assumes that people define themselves as members of the category that is salient in a given situation and will conform to its beliefs and standards.

Studies among different crowds, such as protesters, demonstrators and football crowds e. Where police used indiscriminate force against crowds this could lead to circumstances where crowd participants began to unite psychologically and define their relationship with the police as illegitimate.

Bearing upon this, Stott and Adang ; examined crowd interaction involving English football supporters at 35 away matches with an international dimension.

Their findings led to recommendations for police practice in general c. This concerned in particular the tactical depth of deployment, in which four levels of response provided for targeted and adjustable interventions.

Their presence was aimed to transmit a feeling of security, their specific tasks involved pro- active communication, surveillance and the resolution of small incidents.

In case of escalating risk, they would be supported by further intervention units that were placed out of sight.

It was evident how the PSP policing provided a context in which self policing among England fans was facilitated or how differentiated police interventions prevented the escalation of violence Stott et al.

It must be considered, however that this form of policing was only applied in PSP areas, while the national Gendarmerie GNR , Portugal's other police force, developed its own security policy, which was characterised by lesser tactical depth, no proactive activities and a lesser emphasis on communication.

Particularly the findings around the Euro on its facilitation of self-regulation among the fan group and the marginalisation of anti-social behaviour have had a high impact on practical policing, so that issues of the approach have meanwhile been integrated in the EU Handbook with recommendations for international police cooperation 6 EU, However, the existing literature focuses exclusively upon the policing and psychological reactions of England and Scotland fans.

Consequently, there is as yet no empirical analysis of the cross cultural dimensions to the dynamics outlined within ESIM. More specifically there is a lack of evidence concerning the psychology, group processes and intergroup relationships involving and surrounding high-risk categories from other nations attending football matches and 5 Stott et al.

The perception of the inappropriateness of police action, subsequently led to an increasing sense of the perceived appropriateness among England fans to confront the police.

This absence within the literature is made more acute given the extent to which the ESIM is currently informing updates to international guidelines for international police cooperation and pan-European police training with respect to football matches with an international dimension.

Moreover, the fixture between Germany and the Netherlands during the opening rounds of the tournament was classified by the organising authorities to be the one posing the highest level of risk to public order.

None the less the event passed without any major disturbances. The subsequent analysis will examine if the processes that the ESIM proposes are responsible for the absence of widespread disorder among England fans were also evident among German fans attending the same tournament.

Method The data presented in this paper was collected as part of a wider research project of which a number of analyses from this broader project have already been published elsewhere see Reicher et al.

It is the intention of the present paper to add to this literature by providing an account of the broad dimensions of German fans collective behaviour and police deployment surrounding events involving German fans.

Data was gathered using a variety of techniques. Semi-structured observations and interviews. Semi-structured observations were carried out for the duration of the tournament by the current authors.

This data was obtained while the observers participated in gatherings and events where large numbers of German fans were involved. The first author, who is German, was also embedded among German fans during the tournament, conducting semistructured observation and interviews.

Her data collection was carried out around two games Germany played in Porto and one in Lisbon. Her observations in Porto started on June She went to places where great numbers of German fans gathered.

She attended the game against the Netherlands on June 15 and against Latvia on June 19 and visited public screenings at fan zones. Together with German fans she travelled to Lisbon by train where she resumed her observations on June Again, data collection was concentrated on the location where German fans gathered.

On June 23 she attended the game of Germany against the Czech Republic. Though Germany did not proceed to the second round of the tournament, many fans stayed in the area which allowed for further data collection until the final game of Portugal against Greece on June 30 in Lisbon.

While she was embedded with fans, she made informal contacts and revealed her status and aims as a researcher. In doing so she was able to speak with the fans about the specific research issues but also to refer to themes that arose in a specific situation.

Informed consent was obtained and interviews were digitally recorded and later transcribed. As the fan groups had mingled, the recorded conversations also involved 12 fans from The Netherlands, 13 from England and 4 from Croatia.

The interviews with German fans displayed in this paper were translated by the first author all other interviews were conducted in English.

These interview data were also cross referenced with media reports, such as newspaper and internet articles.

Interviews with police commanders A series of semi-structured interviews were also conducted by the authors with a variety of police Commanders. The interviews focused on general strategies and tactics that 42 had been applied in Porto during the tournament and considered specific incidents that occurred in Porto with respect to the management of events surrounding the fixture between Netherlands and Portugal.

Interviews with police commanders were carried out either at Police Headquarters in Porto or in the field during and after the events that are outlined in the behavioural account.

Analytical strategy The analytic strategy in this paper follows that of previous research that is based on the ESIM e.

The behavioural account provides a chronological description of incidents, police deployment and behavioural norms among crowds of German fans based primarily upon the semi-structured observational data but which also draws form the interview data from fans and police, photographs and video footage.

In particular, the account focuses on those aspects of the events that will be put to further analysis in the subsequent sections. Data were triangulated and where only one source provides data related to an event, the source is identified Stott et al.

The interviews were transcribed and read several times. This process was informed by the theoretical approach and the understandings and perceptions of the specific groups: For the police interviews, the analysis focused on police understandings of their role, their strategy and tactics used to police German fans and how these relate to those aspects of fan behaviour identified as relevant within the behavioural account.

Again, following the theoretical approach, the analysis focused on the fans perception of the event and attitudes toward outgroups, the views of ingroup behaviour and intergroup relations and any further points of interest and emerging issues that seemed to be relevant.

The right-hand margin was used to annotate these themes. These notes were organised and sorted into categories and subcategories.

From this a coding scheme was developed and again applied to the interviews. Codes were assigned to the transcripts. Segments were grouped under each code before they 43 were related to issues from the interactional context, as it was described in the behavioural account.

For each theme a verbatim extract from the interviews is presented that best illustrates the analytical point. Results Behavioural account The majority of the German fans followed the team during the group phase where they played the Netherlands and Latvia in Porto and the Czech Republic in Lisbon.

The fixture between the Netherlands and Germany was initially drawn to take place in the city of Aveiro. However, given the perceived risks to public order posed by this fixture a decision was taken by the Organising committee to move the game to Porto for organisational and safety reasons c.

Harris, The match was scheduled for 15 June and many German fans had begun to arrive in Porto some days prior to the game. However, the first significant mass gathering of fans began on June By mid afternoon large numbers of Dutch and German fans had gathered in the pubs, cafes and on the squares of the city centre of Porto.

Small numbers of fans from other nations were also present in the city, such as Greeks, English, Danes and Swedes. The Porto city authorities had assigned official zones to the two fan groups, each set up with a stage and a big video screen.

However, fans were not strictly segregated and mixed at these locations and elsewhere in the city centre. According to information from the Dutch and the German police delegations, about German and 60 Dutch hooligans were also present in Portugal.

The strategic approach adopted for the tournament by the PSP was oriented toward the facilitation of lawful and carnival behaviour among fans.

Central to this was a desire to avoid the use of indiscriminate force against crowds as a whole in circumstances where only a minority within the crowd were causing problems.

The use of force policy for the PSP explicitly stated: 7 This compares, for example to persons arrested due to criminal offences and preventive arrests during the World Cup in the state of Northrhine-Westphalia only Wolf, , where 16 games were played.

The idea is that officers in normal uniform would work in pairs facilitating lawful behaviours and monitoring the crowd for any emergent problems.

If minor problems were identified they would have the capability for low level intervention. If this was not sufficient these police could call upon larger squads who could deploy with or without helmets and batons depending upon the level of risk.

If the situation was still not resolved the Corpo could be deployed. Supporting this were teams of plain clothes officers working in small groups of approximately five officers.

These teams would be embedded in crowds monitoring for and reacting to risks. Not all officers from these units were completely invisible.

Some took up foot patrols but did so without any of their protective equipment. Consequently, on the evening of the 14th the Ribeira was crowded with fans.

We observed about people gathering in the Ribeira between hrs and midnight. In the centre of the Ribeira was a Dutch brass band, playing well known and traditional party songs.

The area was densely crowded so groups were in close proximity and many positive interactions between the groups and between individuals were observed.

Around hrs about 10 PSP officers in standard uniforms patrolled the Ribeira; additionally there was team of plain-clothes officers embedded within the crowd.

At around this time a confrontation between a small group of Dutch and German fans took place amidst the crowd.

Approximately five German fans had begun to provoke Dutch fans. According to police accounts a group of plain clothed officers noticed the problem and intervened to verbally instruct the German fans to stop but the German fans then began to physically 45 confront these officers.

The five Germans were immediately arrested and removed them from the scene. At around hrs, amidst this largely Dutch crowd, a group of approximately eight Germans at the river end of the square began singing racist and anti-Dutch chants e.

This behaviour went on for at least 30 minutes and tensions began to emerge among Dutch supporters gathered nearby. According to our semi structured observations at around Shortly afterwards, the chanting faded and the officers withdrew.

Our observations record that throughout these incidents the Dutch brass band continued to play and positive interactions continued elsewhere in the Square.

During the whole night we observed no further incidents. The positive fan behaviour continued on the following match-day where prior to the game thousands of Dutch supporters gathered in the Lisboa Square.

Information was obtained by the Dutch police delegation that there was an intention of Dutch fans to march to the stadium some five kilometres away, rather than use public transport.

Rather than prevent this, Portuguese police made the decision to facilitate the march. From a member of our research team, it was reported to us that around 6 p.

The police profile remained very low and no riot police or vehicles were observed in the vicinity. As the crowd proceeded through the streets traffic police managed the roadways.

Local Portuguese came onto the streets, balconies and windows to applaud the Dutch fans. At the front and ahead of the march were teams of Dutch and German police officers.

As the march proceeded at times small groups of German fans came onto the streets and some shouted hostility at the Dutch fans. Those that did were approached by the German and Dutch police and required to move.

The march eventually arrived at the stadium without incident. Following the match the two fan groups again mixed and celebrated at the Ribeira.

Taken together, the data indicates that an approach was taken to safety and security for this fixture that allowed for peaceful encounters between fans from Germany and the Netherlands and was facilitated by the low profile policing of the PSP.

Officers in normal uniforms and plain-clothes officers patrolled the sites. However it was evident that they were ready for and engaged in relatively rapid, differentiated interventions in situations where risks to public order began to emerge.

Policing approach With regard to the Netherlands Germany fixture the visiting police made reference to concerns about the presence of German hooligans in Portugal.

They are in the country. Instead reflecting the overall police strategy the police referred to their commitment to interaction, communication and targeted interventions.

An approach made possible due to the deployment of plain clothes officers in close proximity to the crowds.

We are looking for the situations, through the fans, always looking for something. To prevent that things happen. When we think that things are going to happen, we act.

The Head of the NIP in the city provided an account of his involvement in the incidents at the Ribeira. His account suggests 47 that because they were embedded within the crowd they rapidly became aware of the verbal provocations from the group of Germans.

He described how his officers then were able to react quickly to the emerging problem. He describes how the group then confronted the police leading to their arrest.

And it was against us. Against the police. When after the first arrests another group of German fans engaged in provocations, he describes that NIP officers cordoned them off from the main crowd.

Due to their civilian clothing this movement had not been noticed, though an increased presence of officers in standard uniform had been evident.

However, the police assumed that those fans were well aware of the increasing presence of officers. The account further shows that the police closely monitored the fan behaviour and adjusted their actions according to dynamics of the risk that came from this group.

This did not only concern the escalation but also the de-escalation of risk behaviour. In this regard the PSP commander also noticed this group of -initially- provoking German fans refraining from this negative behaviour while remaining in the crowd.

And they forget that. He supposed that they deliberately withdrew and separated from the celebrating majority. Under no circumstances they wanted to be linked to the folk that was celebrating there.

Whereas, so far everything is absolutely peaceful. They are standing there, but somehow unobtrusively in the corner.

MS: Because of the match. G Yes, yes and because of the trouble. Do you think it will go off tomorrow? G Yes.

Not in the stadium. Afterwards here in Porto maybe, in small groups. If conflict with the Dutch fans occurred it would also involve ordinary fans expressing their solidarity with one another, in terms of a historically embedded conflict between nations, i.

MS: Why is that? G Just to support the own people. Because everybody is prepared against the Dutch.

MS: And that refers to the opponent? G They still talk about the war. Van Nistelrooy said in the paper today that we still have to work something out from 60 years ago.

Why does he say that? G Yes, but that was in the tabloid. G So? But the Dutch are like that. They are all like that.

They just hate us more than we hate them. German fans who had observed the arrest noticed the differentiated way of PSP policing and described the intervention against the violent fans as quick and targeted.

In the context of football it implies fights between fans or fans and the police. I just saw, well the Germans [police] are really mad, they just bang into it no matter if it is you or him or me who is standing beside it.

Here they [the Portuguese officers] have observed precisely, many plain clothes, watched: who is it? And whoosh, arm on the back, into the car, off they go.

All was clear. These processes occurred amongst both sets of fans: instead of joining in the fight and confronting the Dutch, as it had been expected, German fans that had witnessed the incident described those involved as differentiated from a broader categorisation defined in terms of partying.

MS: So you regard people who do stuff like that as idiots? G Yes, of course. MS: Not everybody thinks like that, some think that that is really great G Actually I do not care at all if somebody is a Croat or English or whatever.

Was that appropriate? H2: Very good, yes, it is appropriate, they were very fast and it was good, yeah. They immediately took one down and carried him away.

And this is nice. Loud music and this is good G They dissolved in the end Even fans that were interviewed later in the tournament referred to the positive context that they perceived during their stay in Portugal and linked this specifically to a sense of unity between fans from different nations.

Well, you always see some rivalry of course but Well I was down there in Porto at the harbour, where really: There were English together with Italians, Swedes, Danes, Portuguese, Germans, Latvians, all together, there was a mega party, absolutely peaceful!

All united by football and keen on having a big football feast. And this is what the hosts definitely 50 achieved: To make a football party for the fans!

Not overdoing security, or putting merchandise upfront but organising a football feast for the fans who came down here.

Respect Portugal, really! Stott et al. The analysis suggests that the policing was carried out low profile, in line with the stated security concept of the Portuguese police.

A discrepancy between German fans expectations of negative group relations based on historically rooted rivalry and actual positive intergroup relations that they experienced in Portugal was evident.

From this two sets of fan identity seemed to emerge: a form of national identity was expected to be salient in a confrontational context, where violent others were not differentiated from the category.

The analysis suggests that the low profile policing contributed to this positive context. In situations of low risk fans saw the unobtrusive behaviour of police officers related to the overall positive atmosphere.

However, the impact of the policing on the festive atmosphere was even more evident during a conflict situation at the Ribeira.

Low profile policing tactics allowed for a quick and targeted arrest of confrontational fans and prevented further escalation.

The perception of this legitimate policing facilitated the shift toward an identity where category boundaries were defined in terms of non-violent behaviour rather in terms of nationality.

These findings have a great deal of correspondence with the processes that occurred among England fans that attended the tournament in Portugal Stott et al.

Research among both sets of fan groups suggests that the absence of large scale disorder can be associated with the style of policing.

While the experience of legitimate policing instigated processes of self-policing among England fans, this was not evident at the incident at the Ribeira.

However, in both cases a connection was evident between low profile policing and the support of non-violent group norms among the wider crowd and the disempowerment and marginalisation of confrontational groups.

The present study therefore provides support for the ESIM research on the absence of violence at crowd events.

Suggestions can be made that 51 the processes the model proposes are not limited to a single cultural group but also apply to groups from other countries, as it was shown here with respect to German fans.

It must be noted though that the current study is not conclusive. There is need for further research in order to sustain the possibility that ESIM dynamics are cross cultural.

Processes found here could for example have been limited to the specific context of Euro at which both England and Germany fans reacted in similar ways.

Additional research is therefore suggested on German and other fan groups in different policing contexts. Implications for policing and research The positive atmosphere of the Euro has been praised e.

Deutsche Welle, ; Klemm, and considering the small arrest numbers, it can be regarded the most peaceful major football tournament in Europe in the last 30 years.

The PSP has effectively managed crowd dynamics and the fan accounts reveal the positive social psychological outcomes. A main feature here was the fact that police officers both plain cloths and visible police were embedded in the crowd, enabling them to monitor for and react to risk that was critical.

As indicated before, the issues of the approach have meanwhile been integrated in practical policing and the current paper likewise supports the application of the low profile approach as a powerful tool of managing crowd events.

So while comprehensive policing tactics and procedures are available, research is able to provide answers to why and under which circumstances they can be used most effectively.

It may be concluded that not only the application of appropriate tactics but also the understanding of the underlying philosophy are essential for successful public order management.

Home Office. Data collection was made possible through the long-term co-operation of the U. Thanks should also be extended to Klaus Boehnke from Jacobs University Bremen and Otto Adang from the Police Academy of the Netherlands, for their comments on an earlier version of this paper.

Otto Adang was also co-supervisor of the broader research project and provided some additional observations.

And finally we would like to give our thanks to all the anonymous fans that attended Euro and contributed greatly to this research.

References Adang, O. Policing Euro Beek-Ubbergen: Tandem Felix. Adang, O. Geweld en politie-optreden in relsituaties. Alphen aan den Rijn: Samsom.

Allport, F. Social Psychology. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. Policing contentious politics in Denmark and in Sweden. Maastricht: Shaker Publishing.

Boyatzis, Richard, E. Transforming qualitative information: Thematic analysis and code development. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Della Porta, A. Aldershot, Burlington: Ashgate, The Policing of Protest in Western Democracies. Reiter Eds. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Deutsche Welle Fans, not Hooligans the Story of Portugal. The intergroup dynamics of collective empowerment: Substantiating the social identity model.

Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 2, Drury, J. Explaining enduring empowerment: A comparative study of collective action and psychological outcomes.

European Journal of Social Psychology, 35, Collective action and psychological change: The emergence of new social identities.

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Safety fears force Uefa to move Croatia match. Report on Euro A report on the FA's role in off-field initiatives and services provided for supporters.

The Independent Football Commission. Beyond Paramilitarism. The British Journal of Criminology, 27, 1, Pondering Paramilitarism: A Question of Standpoints?

The British Journal of Criminology 33, Jefferson, T. The Case Against Paramilitary Policing. London: Milton Keynes.

Open University Press. Kellehear, A. Klemm, T. Apfelsinenkulturen an der Algarve: Stimmung statt Randale.

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Kritzer, H. Political protest and political violence: a nonrecursive causal model. Social Forces 55, Le Bon, G.

The Crowd: A study of the popular mind. London: Ernest Benn. McPhail, C. The myth of the madding crowd. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.

Protest Policing in the United States. Noakes, J. Peterson, A. Confidential document of the Portuguese Security Police. Lisbon: Home Office. Reicher, S.

Crowd behaviour as social action. Turner, M. Hogg, P. Oakes, S. Wetherell Eds. Oxford: Blackwell. An integrated approach to crowd psychology and pubic order policing.

European Journal of Social Psychology, 26, Knowledge based public order policing: Principles and practice. Reid, K. Exploring lived experience. The Psychologist, 18, Sighele, S.

La foule criminelle. Essai de psychologie collective. Paris: Alean. Smith, Jonathan A. Interpretative phenomenological analysis. Breakwell Ed , Doing Social Psychology research.

Spiegel, J. Hostility, aggression and violence. Grimshaw Ed. Chicago: Aldine. Stott, C. Human Relations, 53, British Journal of Social Psychology, 40, Sociology, 32, Unpublished report to the U.

Variability in the collective behaviour of England fans at Euro policing, intergroup relations, social identity and social change.

European Journal of Social Psychology, 37, Psychology, Public Policy, and Law. London: Pennant Books. Adang Understanding and managing risk.

Slagelse: Bavnebanke Press. Tajfel, H. An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict. Worchel Eds. Monterey, CA: Brooks-Cole.

Vitale, A. Waddington, P. The case against paramilitary policing considered. Liberty and order: Policing public order in a capital city. London: UCL Press.

Towards Paramilitarism? Dilemmas in the Policing of Public Order. The British Journal of Criminology 27, Forestalling violence: Police knowledge of interaction with political activists.

Mobilization: The International Quarterly, 12 4 , Negotiating Political Protest in Gothenburg and Copenhagen. Aldershot: Ashgate.

Wolf, I. Rede von Innenminister Dr. The World Cup in Germany was therefore a unique opportunity to continue the research and to see how, if, under which circumstances low profile policing works or what effect other approaches may have on fan behaviour.

In contrast to Portugal it was not obvious what kind of policing approach was intended by the German police. The authorities had published an official document where providing for safety and security was presented as the main police task and it was stated that there would be a focus on potential hooligans but it did not seem that the police saw themselves as part of the festivities.

Questions arose on how the police in Germany would understand their role, what their strategy and tactics were and how this would relate to fan behaviour.

Thanks to cooperation between the Police Academy of the Netherlands and the Ruhr-University Bochum it was possible to set up a similar methodological framework as it had been applied in Portugal.

Again it was possible to pursue a variety of research methods, including structured observations and ethnographical methods so that different tournaments could be compared.

However, it was unfeasible to cover all host cities of the country. For practical and organisational reasons the main observations focused on the three host cities of North-Rhine Westphalia.

In order to provide for a comprehensive picture of the tournament it was sought to observe both high-risk and low-risk games.

At each game there were at least four observers present gathering structured observational data. Having been encouraged by the openness of fans in Portugal, observers were also asked to conduct interviews about their perceptions of group relations.

This turned out as helpful with regard to access because fellow officers on duty seemed more willing to talk to a colleague than to a psychologist interested in group relations.

Also, as outlined in the paper, there was the question of how the findings would compare with the picture that the media had painted of this tournament.

A higher number of incidents in Germany served as a first hint that something must have been different to Portugal.

In order to better understand these differences it was necessary to dig deeper. In the paper single incidents are outlined, each of which contained the potential for conflict, using the semi-structured field notes and interviews.

Although the aim of this thesis is to present data on non-British fans, two of the incidents described nevertheless involved England fans. This once again reflects the difficulty of observing real-life situations as group composition cannot be manipulated.

The actually biggest incident of the tournament occurred around the game of Germany versus Poland and was fully analysed in a separate study this is described in the subsequent paper.

Most other incidents we observed however involved England fans. This paper also addresses the media coverage and in particular the very positive picture that portrays the World Cup in terms of positive and cheerful fan behaviour.

In general the data confirms this behaviour but during the data collection also a number of negative encounters and incidents were recorded and it was remarkable how little of this was reported on, though it should be noted that incidents had not been disguised.

All numbers were freely available in police reports and press releases, also serving as a source of data triangulation in 57 this paper.

During informal talks a number of police officers uttered similar surprise of the little media coverage of violent incidents, as they knew indeed that the World Cup had not only been a fairy tale.

In methodological respect this paper provides evidence that quantifiable data can be obtained during contemporaneous data collection and it provides valuable measures of tactics and interaction.

It even suggests that this should be carried out regularly as in doing so the comparison of strategies can be facilitated. It further promotes the application of mixed methods in conducting crowd research as the study shows that none of the methods applied on its own would have provided such a comprehensive picture.

With regard to the theoretical aspect the results suggests that legitimate group relations and positive fan behaviour were at place in Germany when policing was carried out targeted, differentiated and in relation to the situational context and the actual risk and when tolerance limits were communicated and acted upon, but we observed problems, when these conditions were not met.

Mit den etwas anderen Bildern der WM. Leider hat diese Bilder niemand in Deutschland gesehen. Yet, more than persons were arrested.

This paper presents an analysis of police tactics and deployments and its relation to the frequency of incidents and the group relations between fans and between fans and police.

The data collection was carried out within three host cities in North Rhine Westphalia in relation to ten games of the tournament, drawing on a combination of structured and qualitative observational methods.

The outcomes are mixed. Group relations were mostly positive, indicated by positive interaction between fan groups, however, frequency of incidents and arrests suggest that the tournament was not as peaceful as the media coverage may have implied.

Deeper analyses suggest that legitimate group relations and positive fan behaviour were associated with differentiated policing, carried out in relation to the situational context and the actual risk present.

The phrase furthermore described the happenings offside the pitch on the fan miles, in the public viewing zones and the city centres. It summarised the national and international euphoria in Germany, the fan parties and gatherings, the peaceful atmosphere that had characterised this tournament and that was praised by fans, officials and - not least - by the media in Germany and all over the world.

A generational change as the base for a relaxed German patriotism Mayer, may have facilitated good hosting. But was the World Cup really the fairy tale it is made out to be?

BBC-Panorama in their undercover documentation about policing and anti-social behaviour of fans and hooligans pointed to a more shady side of the tournament BBC, Also, it is less well known that about persons were arrested during Germany Mathies, numbers that were hardly communicated in the media.

What really happened during the World Cup? This method makes it possible to gather comprehensive observational data about fan behaviour, police behaviour, group interaction, police deployment and tactics and to relate these numbers to the amount of violent incidents that occurred during the observations.

While many factors can account for the success of a crowd event, the question if it was peaceful in the end is still the major issue.

Establishing safety and security at a crowd event is both cost and staff-intensive. A peaceful event on the other hand, can serve as a perpetual system in which the positive dynamics spread and also affect initially uninvolved persons.

On the other hand not only preventing incidents but providing a platform for positive encounters is also becoming an issue for public order 60 policing, thus indicating a qualitative change from riot control to public order and crowd management Adang, Crowd behaviour The ideas and conceptions of those who handle, manage or police crowds are of great significance.

It is their understanding and their explanation of crowd behaviour that determines how a crowd is dealt with and which strategy and tactics would be applied at a concrete event.

Further it was shown that crowds are neither mad nor irrational but that most crowd events are peaceful e. Still, crowd conflict is an important issue not least because of its broad public attention and an escalated crowd conflict can indeed leave substantial destruction and may only be fought by massive use of force.

It is therefore all the more important to consider the dynamics that can evolve in a crowd situation so that measures can be taken timely and targeted.

For the escalation of collective violence, i. It proposes that group norms can alter as a result of the interaction with the other group.

This particularly applies to situations of conflict, where a change of social identity was found when crowd members perceived out-group behaviour as indiscriminate and undifferentiated.

Dependent on the situation a whole range of tactics from both approaches can therefore be applicable. The friendly but firm low profile approach The friendly but firm low profile approach turned out to fit very well with suggestions coming out of the ESI-model.

The friendly but firm low profile is characterised by a broad and flexible tactical concept that provides for quick escalation and de-escalation, high visibility of the officers and an emphasis on communication.

It is suggested that police officers are deployed in small units who are easily approachable and who themselves pro-actively get in contact with citizens and fans.

In so doing they are able to set a framework for behaviour, for example by facilitating legal aims and communicating behavioural limits, acting friendly but firm.

In case of increasing risk, the officers should then be supported by additional intervention units, possibly placed in side streets that can quickly be deployed and removed when the situation calms.

Differentiated interventions are vital for legitimate group relations. Psychologically this strategy prohibits a shift of social identity toward conflict and can lead to the marginalisation of anti-normative persons and may facilitate co-operation and identification with the police Stott et al.

The work of the officers on the ground has a 62 further, more internal effect: Being deployed within the crowds, they are able to detect developments and dynamics at a very early stage.

This information can then be fed back into the information chain and serve as additional intelligence, thus supporting information-led interventions.

The security concept of the Portuguese Security Police, PSP, was geared to this approach and went along with broad tactical measures that allowed interventions to be carried in accordance to the risk that was present in a particular situation.

An evaluation of the policing during the tournament shows that the PSP indeed followed the low profile approach Stott et al. Stott and Adang showed that the frequency of incidents during Euro was very low compared to Euro Also, arrest figures were low, with of which 87 were arrests for football related disorder during the whole tournament COT, In several situations of conflict acts of self-policing were found and the marginalisation of persons who did not behave in accordance with this identity.

While these studies support the low profile approach and the underlying elaborated social identity model of crowd behaviour, it may yet be argued that the success of Euro was singular, merely applying for that one event or the specific groups that were present in Portugal during the tournament.

Further evidence is required, particularly to learn if the suggested relations also apply in different contexts that may be formed by national or cultural features or the understandings and philosophies of the police forces.

On the basis of previous research, we saw a successful event related to two aspects. Firstly to safety and security; indicated by the frequency and severity of violent incidents and secondly associated with a good atmosphere that manifests itself in positive inter-group relations.

Using the same methodology it was possible to compare findings from previous studies with the policing that was carried out at the WC Prior to the tournament, the Federal German home office had issued an official summary of their security concept for the WC Bundesministerium des Inneren, It must be noted however, that German police is decentralised and subject to the respective federal states, resulting in 16 different state police forces with different legislations, respectively.

The WC security concept therefore provided a framework for police conduct that was then translated into action by the individual police forces. As had been the case for Euro and Euro , the German national framework described the use of extensive international cooperation and internal measures, e.

Unlike Euro and , it also included regional bans of internal German risk fans. Support and facilitation of fans and visitors was to be organised by the World Cup Committee and not described as police task.

No information was given on the kind of deployment and the police profile, forms of communication with fans and visitors or kinds of intervention Bundesministerium des Inneren, The current paper sets out to explore which tactics and forms of deployments were used and how this related to the overall number of incidents and the group relations.

Method The tournament was held between June 9 and July 9, Structured observations were carried out around 10 of these games 64 from the first round to one semi final, all of which being played in the three host cities of North Rhine-Westphalia NRW : Cologne, Gelsenkirchen and Dortmund.

NRW hosted 16 matches in total. In addition unstructured observations were carried out on three different occasions relating to current developments e.

With three host cities, NRW provided an ideal field for research. The dense area with its broad infrastructure allowed for easy access to the venues and quick deployment of observation teams.

Furthermore, despite the joint federal security concept, we were seeking to avoid an effect of policing culture of a particular state.

The games were selected in order to cover both events with and without increased risk.

BR Deutschland. Für eine kontroverse Diskussion beim amtierenden Weltmeister, der nach Unentschieden gegen die Tschechoslowakei und Nordirland sowie Siegen über Argentinien und Jugoslawien ins Halbfinale eingezogen war, sorgte zudem die Schiedsrichtereinteilung für das Spiel seitens der FIFA. Allerdings kamen die Westafrikanerinnen nur zu Halbchancen. Brasilien ist schwindelig gespielt Spiele Dr.Jekyll & Mr.Hyde - Video Slots Online einen jährigen Stürmer! Nach der anfänglichen Empörung über die deutschen Anhänger und der in der schwedischen Presse verwendeten Kriegsmetaphorik gegen die deutschen Spieler ebbte die Aufregung um das Spiel in Schweden im Laufe der Jahre immer mehr ab. Minute nicht bestraft wurde.

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The group had gained permission to use the video footage of incidents at public spaces in the night-time-economy that had been recorded within 25 one year between January and February in British towns and cities.

In doing so they were able to study group behaviour in a natural setting that could previously not be tested for either practical or ethical reasons.

The videos had no sound and the persons could not be recognised. Incidents were chosen with regard to certain criteria, such as length of the incident and group size.

A coding scheme was developed that covered the themes of status e. The results suggest that groups spontaneously try to regulate the behaviour of ingroup members and that the prevention of violence increases with group size.

It is argued that such reports would distort and misinterpret the actual happenings and serve as a base for restrictions of liberal human rights and justifications thereof.

In Germany such observations are carried out since the protests against the nuclear plant in Brokdorf Steven, Similar processes can be observed in the context of football: As a reaction to what they felt as illegitimate police conduct some groups of football fans have undertaken own measures for evaluating an event.

The observation activities are not announced and will only be published successive to the respective game. The groups are using field observational methods carried out contemporaneously.

Observations focus on the behaviour of mainly police forces but also on other security staff with football fans.

The observation groups are requested to focus on questions such as: Has the policing been reasonable and proportional in all aspects?

Was the behaviour respectful, did the officers introduce themselves, were fans informally addressed on a first name basis. Did officers act socially sensibly with regard to youngsters?

Were there any unreasonable harassments observable? The reports are published on the internet. Peer review teams An alternative form of evaluating crowd events has lately gained increased interest.

The basic idea of this approach is to bring together public order scientists and police practitioners in the observation of an event.

From to a pilot study involving 13 evaluations was carried out on request of the EU Police Cooperation Working Party. The peer reviews are now part of EU training program for police commanders.

When a peer review is requested, the hosting force is asked to name of number of evaluation points. It is these points that the subsequent evaluation plan is then designed around.

A team of about 5 police commanders is composed and is accompanied by academic staff. A peer review takes three days.

On Day 1 the team arrives at the site, familiarises with the infrastructure, makes first contacts with the police forces and other parties that are relevant with regard to the respective event e.

On the basis of the evaluation points the team then agrees on an evaluation plan. On Day 2, the day of the event the team conducts interviews and carries out contemporaneous observations prior, during and after the event.

Day 3 is used for writing up the first draft of the evaluation report, when team members discuss their observations in relation to the respective evaluation points.

The report will be worked out by the academic member of the team and send to the members for a final check up before it is delivered to the requesting force.

The value of this method has different aspects. An important factor lies in the confidentiality of the evaluation and the final report will be the ownership of the requesting force.

The reviewers themselves gained concrete new ideas from their observations and during the discussions with their colleagues.

They also valued the fact that they were able to look at a police operation from the outside. The cooperation of practitioners and scientists helps to break up barriers and to gain more understanding.

Up to date theses evaluations have been carried out mainly in the context of football. Some forces have begun to introduce national peer reviews, some are planning to use peer reviews for the evaluation of 27 the policing of demonstrations.

Along with other models the ESIM draws on interaction, more specifically it suggest that in order to understand the dynamics of a crowd event it is necessary to consider the relations and ongoing interactions between those groups that are present at a specific event.

The ESIM has been developed from - and was validated by a substantial number of studies of crowd events in violent and non-violent situations.

Summarising its basic assumptions the ESIM explains both the escalation and the avoidance of collective conflict as a result of ongoing social relations.

Secondly, the ESIM explains the establishment and maintenance of non-violent norms as a result of legitimate group relations between crowd members and the police, avoiding an identity shift towards conflict.

It is proposed that legitimate group relations are connected with selfpolicing, marginalisation of violent crowd participants, and lack of support for attempts of provocation.

This approach has meanwhile been integrated in practical policing and into guidelines for the policing of football matches with an international dimension within the EU.

Despite this obvious practical relevance, the scientific analyses on crowd dynamics based on the ESIM have only focused on British in particular, English and Scottish crowds so that there were only few theoretical and empirical analyses of how such dynamics apply to crowds from other cultural backgrounds.

Methodical and methodological considerations The methods and analytical strategies of this thesis are determined by the assumptions of the model, so that the respective parties involved and their mutual interaction had to be 29 considered; these are described in more detail in the respective papers.

Furthermore, the research activities were sought to be carried out contemporaneously because the direct observation of - and the participation in a crowd event allows to focus on aspects that are relevant with regard to the theoretical model and it provides for the flexibility that is necessary within such a dynamic framework.

This approach further makes it possible to collect data on reactions and comments of persons that are immediately involved in or subjected by the event; in doing so it is possible to document how perceptions and behaviour relate to a possibly changing context.

Like Bar-Tal has pointed at the difficulties that are imminent in doing research around real life events, similar methodological issues concern this thesis.

The aim of this thesis is therefore not to provide a test of hypotheses. It rather seeks to provide an explorative study and it aims to contribute to the body of research that has up to now been carried out around the ESIM.

While, in a rigorous positivistic sense, this does not serve as a method of gaining new scientific insight, this research seeks to present additional material in order enhance plausibility of this model.

The results can further serve as a hypothesis generating procedure and a base for further research which may be broken down into testable studies.

This main research question was broken into different sub-questions, each of which is presented within an individual research paper.

Paper 1 presents an incident involving German fans during the European Championships While Stott and colleagues , had provided analyses involving England fans this paper seeks to answer the question: Were the processes that the ESIM proposes are responsible for the absence of widespread disorder among England fans also evident among German fans attending the same tournament?

Studies including Paper 1 which explain the shift away from violence mainly refer to the policing that was carried out around the Euro It may be argued, however, that the success of Euro was singular, merely applying to that one event or the specific groups that were present in Portugal during the tournament.

Research was therefore carried out at Germany , focussing on the following questions: Do the relations and the effects that the ESIM suggests also apply in different contexts that may be formed by national or cultural features or by the understandings and philosophies of the police forces?

How do police tactics and deployments relate to the relations between different fan groups and between fans and the police? Paper 3 presents a case study involving Polish and German fans at the same day.

Specifically, the study examines the relation between the policing strategy and tactics and the behaviour and perception of Poland and Germany fans in contexts of risk and non-risk.

As prior to the tournament a substantial number of papers and other media had described Poland fans in a rather negative way, the paper further sought to answer the question: Was the negative image that was portrayed of the Poland fans before the tournament justified and did this have an impact on the relations between the fan groups and the fans and the police?

Paper 4 explores German fan identity at three different tournaments: at the Euro , the WC and the Euro In contrast to previous ESIM research, which describes social change as a result of conflictual group relations, this study examined social change within a peaceful context.

It examines the effects and dynamics of symmetric group relations and in doing so to provide an explanation of why German fans in and subsequently in were empowered to live out their national identity and positive emotions but not so in ?

The actual research activities are presented as single paper publications in scientific journals. The papers are integrated in the following section.

Each paper is preceded by a foreword of the author. It reports on personal impressions and experiences that occurred during the research process and it highlights aspects of the research that seem relevant to this thesis but are not or only briefly mentioned in the actual research paper.

Funding by the ESRC had enabled a comprehensive research design using a variety of methods; most of which were carried out contemporaneously and data triangulation would then provide a rather comprehensive picture of the goings on.

Much of the data that came out of this program has meanwhile been published elsewhere; however, the focus group is English see Reicher et al.

In line with the other research activities the data collection should be carried out contemporaneously; using an ethnographic approach was seen as the most flexible and fruitful way to provide for a broad body of data.

This could then be triangulated with the data that was collected by other observers of the research team. The idea was for me to be with the fans to listen, speak and observe.

As it is the case with ethnographic research, access to and a kind of acceptance by the group being studied is vital.

I believe that more than 25 years of being a football fan myself, has provided the necessary authenticity to get this access on the field, in this case in the fan zones, cafes, stadium, camping sites.

Personal contacts with the German fan project also helped to get access to some more internal information for example when some were arrested. However, being interested in crowd-police interaction the research also concerned the role, perception and behaviour of the police.

A delegation of German police spotters was present in Portugal, liaising with Portuguese colleagues with a focus on the German risk supporters.

Again, it was personal contacts that were made with the German home office and the German national football information point that facilitated 32 access to these bodies during the tournament.

Like with the fan group, acceptance and trust are vital to get access. So it was for example possible for me to make informal conversations around the gatherings of fans and to conduct semi-structured interviews with members of the German police delegation.

Vider , p. After all, we cannot usually predict when a riot will occur. And this was in fact the place where the incident happened that this paper reports on.

The incident indeed occurred around the most high risk game of the tournament Germany versus the Netherlands ; there had been tensions and expectations beforehand and there had been provocations that initiated violence.

In a way this was all well after the textbook. But, as it is outlined in the paper, low profile policing tactics of close surveillance, quick and targeted interventions and clear escalative and deescalative deployment prevented the situation from further escalation.

Five people were detained that night, but as no further German fans got arrested in the remaining part of the tournament though some did for ticket touting , this was indeed the biggest incident.

Ironically, this conflict did not occur on matchday but on the night before. So while we were prepared for multiple comprehensive data collection, the structured observations could not be used for this study, as they focused on the actual match day where there was no incident.

With regard to the ESI-model of crowd behaviour, this study has different implications: Firstly it adds to the ESIM research in general because it focused on other than British fans.

Secondly, it supports the model by providing support that similar processes were at place with German fans as they were with England fans in Portugal.

As incidents involving England fans occurred in Lisbon but the Germans were in Porto, there may be an effect of the specific policing in one city.

Finally, the study promotes the positive effect of combining research and practise, as it had been the close collaboration between police authorities and scientists that provided the base for the strategic approach that was carried out at the tournament, which has up to now been the most peaceful that has been carried out in Europe within the last 30 years.

Tag schuf Gott den 1. This paper provides an analysis of the social psychological processes among German football fans during the European Championships in Portugal in relation to the policing that was carried out by the Portuguese Security Police.

Data was collected drawing on qualitative observational methods. The analysis focuses on a violent incident between German and Dutch fans prior to the game between the Netherlands and Germany in Porto.

Findings suggest a connection between low profile policing and the support of non-violent group norms among the wider crowd and the disempowerment and marginalisation of confrontational groups.

Keywords: public order management, football, crowd policing, police-citizen interaction Looking back at the Euro in Portugal, a German newspaper reported about outstanding peaceful behaviour and friendly encounters between fan groups that had taken place there.

The article concluded with a description about a group of German fans that peacefully and unhindered raised their banner amidst a Dutch crowd Klemm After the Dutch trauma in and the German trauma in a peak was reached when a Dutch and a German player were sent off for spitting and arguing at the World Cup in in Italy.

While the situation has somewhat calmed since and public disorder at Netherlands-Germany fixtures is more connected with 4 Germany beat the Netherlands at the WC finals in Germany; The Netherlands beat Germany at the Euro in Germany and subsequently won the tournament.

German police forces set bans to prevent known troublemakers from travelling and the Portuguese authorities assessed this game as the one posing the highest risk of the tournament.

However, it turned out very peaceful with multiple friendly encounters between the groups and hardly any incident. Given the history of violent incidents and the classification of the fixture as high risk questions arise regarding why it was that no major incident of collective disorder occurred?

Crowd behaviour and public order policing Whilst some classic theorists described crowds as inherently criminal because of the convergence of those predisposed to crime Sighele, ; Allport, others portrayed them as dangerous because they reverted cultivated individuals to a barbaric level of primitive drive e.

Le Bon, Despite such qualitative difference, the common feature of these explanations was a focus on the crowd itself and its inherent and universal pathology.

This decontextualised and reified view of the crowd put forward by classic theory has been supplanted within social psychology by a model that emphasises the contextual determination of crowd action, particularly in terms of the dynamics of intergroup interaction.

Rather than a mere focus on the crowd, crowd behaviour is seen to result from ongoing interaction processes between the participating groups e.

This view involves an increased focus on the strategies and tactics of the police impact on crowd behaviour.

The first characterised by a negative view of the protesters, little or no communication and an escalating use of force. This trend however is also seen to be related with an increasing use of paramilitary policing tactics in order to maintain public order c.

In their evaluation of the European Championships in Belgium and the Netherlands, Adang and Cuvelier presented an analysis of different policing styles and their impact on fan-behaviour within the same event.

In the run up to the tournament the two countries had agreed on a friendly and firm tactical concept that was basically preventive and pro-active and based on a combination of police expertise and public order research Adang, It comprised the open deployment of small surveillance units in regular uniforms, easily approachable and actively contacting fans.

In the cities that used a high profile approach, there were three times as many officers visible. Policing in low profile cities was more carried out according to the tactical concept and the behavioural profile that was initially agreed on.

Relating the different styles of policing to the number of violent incidents, the highest number of incidents was measured at games that had been assessed as posing low risk but that were policed with a high-profile strategy.

However, they only show that a certain style is working, not why. The ESIM puts an emphasis on the interactive character of a crowd situation and the mutual influence of the participating groups.

It assumes that people define themselves as members of the category that is salient in a given situation and will conform to its beliefs and standards.

Studies among different crowds, such as protesters, demonstrators and football crowds e. Where police used indiscriminate force against crowds this could lead to circumstances where crowd participants began to unite psychologically and define their relationship with the police as illegitimate.

Bearing upon this, Stott and Adang ; examined crowd interaction involving English football supporters at 35 away matches with an international dimension.

Their findings led to recommendations for police practice in general c. This concerned in particular the tactical depth of deployment, in which four levels of response provided for targeted and adjustable interventions.

Their presence was aimed to transmit a feeling of security, their specific tasks involved pro- active communication, surveillance and the resolution of small incidents.

In case of escalating risk, they would be supported by further intervention units that were placed out of sight. It was evident how the PSP policing provided a context in which self policing among England fans was facilitated or how differentiated police interventions prevented the escalation of violence Stott et al.

It must be considered, however that this form of policing was only applied in PSP areas, while the national Gendarmerie GNR , Portugal's other police force, developed its own security policy, which was characterised by lesser tactical depth, no proactive activities and a lesser emphasis on communication.

Particularly the findings around the Euro on its facilitation of self-regulation among the fan group and the marginalisation of anti-social behaviour have had a high impact on practical policing, so that issues of the approach have meanwhile been integrated in the EU Handbook with recommendations for international police cooperation 6 EU, However, the existing literature focuses exclusively upon the policing and psychological reactions of England and Scotland fans.

Consequently, there is as yet no empirical analysis of the cross cultural dimensions to the dynamics outlined within ESIM.

More specifically there is a lack of evidence concerning the psychology, group processes and intergroup relationships involving and surrounding high-risk categories from other nations attending football matches and 5 Stott et al.

The perception of the inappropriateness of police action, subsequently led to an increasing sense of the perceived appropriateness among England fans to confront the police.

This absence within the literature is made more acute given the extent to which the ESIM is currently informing updates to international guidelines for international police cooperation and pan-European police training with respect to football matches with an international dimension.

Moreover, the fixture between Germany and the Netherlands during the opening rounds of the tournament was classified by the organising authorities to be the one posing the highest level of risk to public order.

None the less the event passed without any major disturbances. The subsequent analysis will examine if the processes that the ESIM proposes are responsible for the absence of widespread disorder among England fans were also evident among German fans attending the same tournament.

Method The data presented in this paper was collected as part of a wider research project of which a number of analyses from this broader project have already been published elsewhere see Reicher et al.

It is the intention of the present paper to add to this literature by providing an account of the broad dimensions of German fans collective behaviour and police deployment surrounding events involving German fans.

Data was gathered using a variety of techniques. Semi-structured observations and interviews. Semi-structured observations were carried out for the duration of the tournament by the current authors.

This data was obtained while the observers participated in gatherings and events where large numbers of German fans were involved.

The first author, who is German, was also embedded among German fans during the tournament, conducting semistructured observation and interviews.

Her data collection was carried out around two games Germany played in Porto and one in Lisbon. Her observations in Porto started on June She went to places where great numbers of German fans gathered.

She attended the game against the Netherlands on June 15 and against Latvia on June 19 and visited public screenings at fan zones.

Together with German fans she travelled to Lisbon by train where she resumed her observations on June Again, data collection was concentrated on the location where German fans gathered.

On June 23 she attended the game of Germany against the Czech Republic. Though Germany did not proceed to the second round of the tournament, many fans stayed in the area which allowed for further data collection until the final game of Portugal against Greece on June 30 in Lisbon.

While she was embedded with fans, she made informal contacts and revealed her status and aims as a researcher. In doing so she was able to speak with the fans about the specific research issues but also to refer to themes that arose in a specific situation.

Informed consent was obtained and interviews were digitally recorded and later transcribed. As the fan groups had mingled, the recorded conversations also involved 12 fans from The Netherlands, 13 from England and 4 from Croatia.

The interviews with German fans displayed in this paper were translated by the first author all other interviews were conducted in English.

These interview data were also cross referenced with media reports, such as newspaper and internet articles. Interviews with police commanders A series of semi-structured interviews were also conducted by the authors with a variety of police Commanders.

The interviews focused on general strategies and tactics that 42 had been applied in Porto during the tournament and considered specific incidents that occurred in Porto with respect to the management of events surrounding the fixture between Netherlands and Portugal.

Interviews with police commanders were carried out either at Police Headquarters in Porto or in the field during and after the events that are outlined in the behavioural account.

Analytical strategy The analytic strategy in this paper follows that of previous research that is based on the ESIM e. The behavioural account provides a chronological description of incidents, police deployment and behavioural norms among crowds of German fans based primarily upon the semi-structured observational data but which also draws form the interview data from fans and police, photographs and video footage.

In particular, the account focuses on those aspects of the events that will be put to further analysis in the subsequent sections.

Data were triangulated and where only one source provides data related to an event, the source is identified Stott et al.

The interviews were transcribed and read several times. This process was informed by the theoretical approach and the understandings and perceptions of the specific groups: For the police interviews, the analysis focused on police understandings of their role, their strategy and tactics used to police German fans and how these relate to those aspects of fan behaviour identified as relevant within the behavioural account.

Again, following the theoretical approach, the analysis focused on the fans perception of the event and attitudes toward outgroups, the views of ingroup behaviour and intergroup relations and any further points of interest and emerging issues that seemed to be relevant.

The right-hand margin was used to annotate these themes. These notes were organised and sorted into categories and subcategories.

From this a coding scheme was developed and again applied to the interviews. Codes were assigned to the transcripts. Segments were grouped under each code before they 43 were related to issues from the interactional context, as it was described in the behavioural account.

For each theme a verbatim extract from the interviews is presented that best illustrates the analytical point. Results Behavioural account The majority of the German fans followed the team during the group phase where they played the Netherlands and Latvia in Porto and the Czech Republic in Lisbon.

The fixture between the Netherlands and Germany was initially drawn to take place in the city of Aveiro. However, given the perceived risks to public order posed by this fixture a decision was taken by the Organising committee to move the game to Porto for organisational and safety reasons c.

Harris, The match was scheduled for 15 June and many German fans had begun to arrive in Porto some days prior to the game. However, the first significant mass gathering of fans began on June By mid afternoon large numbers of Dutch and German fans had gathered in the pubs, cafes and on the squares of the city centre of Porto.

Small numbers of fans from other nations were also present in the city, such as Greeks, English, Danes and Swedes.

The Porto city authorities had assigned official zones to the two fan groups, each set up with a stage and a big video screen.

However, fans were not strictly segregated and mixed at these locations and elsewhere in the city centre. According to information from the Dutch and the German police delegations, about German and 60 Dutch hooligans were also present in Portugal.

The strategic approach adopted for the tournament by the PSP was oriented toward the facilitation of lawful and carnival behaviour among fans.

Central to this was a desire to avoid the use of indiscriminate force against crowds as a whole in circumstances where only a minority within the crowd were causing problems.

The use of force policy for the PSP explicitly stated: 7 This compares, for example to persons arrested due to criminal offences and preventive arrests during the World Cup in the state of Northrhine-Westphalia only Wolf, , where 16 games were played.

The idea is that officers in normal uniform would work in pairs facilitating lawful behaviours and monitoring the crowd for any emergent problems.

If minor problems were identified they would have the capability for low level intervention. If this was not sufficient these police could call upon larger squads who could deploy with or without helmets and batons depending upon the level of risk.

If the situation was still not resolved the Corpo could be deployed. Supporting this were teams of plain clothes officers working in small groups of approximately five officers.

These teams would be embedded in crowds monitoring for and reacting to risks. Not all officers from these units were completely invisible.

Some took up foot patrols but did so without any of their protective equipment. Consequently, on the evening of the 14th the Ribeira was crowded with fans.

We observed about people gathering in the Ribeira between hrs and midnight. In the centre of the Ribeira was a Dutch brass band, playing well known and traditional party songs.

The area was densely crowded so groups were in close proximity and many positive interactions between the groups and between individuals were observed.

Around hrs about 10 PSP officers in standard uniforms patrolled the Ribeira; additionally there was team of plain-clothes officers embedded within the crowd.

At around this time a confrontation between a small group of Dutch and German fans took place amidst the crowd. Approximately five German fans had begun to provoke Dutch fans.

According to police accounts a group of plain clothed officers noticed the problem and intervened to verbally instruct the German fans to stop but the German fans then began to physically 45 confront these officers.

The five Germans were immediately arrested and removed them from the scene. At around hrs, amidst this largely Dutch crowd, a group of approximately eight Germans at the river end of the square began singing racist and anti-Dutch chants e.

This behaviour went on for at least 30 minutes and tensions began to emerge among Dutch supporters gathered nearby. According to our semi structured observations at around Shortly afterwards, the chanting faded and the officers withdrew.

Our observations record that throughout these incidents the Dutch brass band continued to play and positive interactions continued elsewhere in the Square.

During the whole night we observed no further incidents. The positive fan behaviour continued on the following match-day where prior to the game thousands of Dutch supporters gathered in the Lisboa Square.

Information was obtained by the Dutch police delegation that there was an intention of Dutch fans to march to the stadium some five kilometres away, rather than use public transport.

Rather than prevent this, Portuguese police made the decision to facilitate the march. From a member of our research team, it was reported to us that around 6 p.

The police profile remained very low and no riot police or vehicles were observed in the vicinity. As the crowd proceeded through the streets traffic police managed the roadways.

Local Portuguese came onto the streets, balconies and windows to applaud the Dutch fans. At the front and ahead of the march were teams of Dutch and German police officers.

As the march proceeded at times small groups of German fans came onto the streets and some shouted hostility at the Dutch fans. Those that did were approached by the German and Dutch police and required to move.

The march eventually arrived at the stadium without incident. Following the match the two fan groups again mixed and celebrated at the Ribeira.

Taken together, the data indicates that an approach was taken to safety and security for this fixture that allowed for peaceful encounters between fans from Germany and the Netherlands and was facilitated by the low profile policing of the PSP.

Officers in normal uniforms and plain-clothes officers patrolled the sites. However it was evident that they were ready for and engaged in relatively rapid, differentiated interventions in situations where risks to public order began to emerge.

Policing approach With regard to the Netherlands Germany fixture the visiting police made reference to concerns about the presence of German hooligans in Portugal.

They are in the country. Instead reflecting the overall police strategy the police referred to their commitment to interaction, communication and targeted interventions.

An approach made possible due to the deployment of plain clothes officers in close proximity to the crowds. We are looking for the situations, through the fans, always looking for something.

To prevent that things happen. When we think that things are going to happen, we act. The Head of the NIP in the city provided an account of his involvement in the incidents at the Ribeira.

His account suggests 47 that because they were embedded within the crowd they rapidly became aware of the verbal provocations from the group of Germans.

He described how his officers then were able to react quickly to the emerging problem. He describes how the group then confronted the police leading to their arrest.

And it was against us. Against the police. When after the first arrests another group of German fans engaged in provocations, he describes that NIP officers cordoned them off from the main crowd.

Due to their civilian clothing this movement had not been noticed, though an increased presence of officers in standard uniform had been evident.

However, the police assumed that those fans were well aware of the increasing presence of officers. The account further shows that the police closely monitored the fan behaviour and adjusted their actions according to dynamics of the risk that came from this group.

This did not only concern the escalation but also the de-escalation of risk behaviour. In this regard the PSP commander also noticed this group of -initially- provoking German fans refraining from this negative behaviour while remaining in the crowd.

And they forget that. He supposed that they deliberately withdrew and separated from the celebrating majority. Under no circumstances they wanted to be linked to the folk that was celebrating there.

Whereas, so far everything is absolutely peaceful. They are standing there, but somehow unobtrusively in the corner. MS: Because of the match.

G Yes, yes and because of the trouble. Do you think it will go off tomorrow? G Yes. Not in the stadium. Afterwards here in Porto maybe, in small groups.

If conflict with the Dutch fans occurred it would also involve ordinary fans expressing their solidarity with one another, in terms of a historically embedded conflict between nations, i.

MS: Why is that? G Just to support the own people. Because everybody is prepared against the Dutch.

MS: And that refers to the opponent? G They still talk about the war. Van Nistelrooy said in the paper today that we still have to work something out from 60 years ago.

Why does he say that? G Yes, but that was in the tabloid. G So? But the Dutch are like that. They are all like that. They just hate us more than we hate them.

German fans who had observed the arrest noticed the differentiated way of PSP policing and described the intervention against the violent fans as quick and targeted.

In the context of football it implies fights between fans or fans and the police. I just saw, well the Germans [police] are really mad, they just bang into it no matter if it is you or him or me who is standing beside it.

Here they [the Portuguese officers] have observed precisely, many plain clothes, watched: who is it? And whoosh, arm on the back, into the car, off they go.

All was clear. These processes occurred amongst both sets of fans: instead of joining in the fight and confronting the Dutch, as it had been expected, German fans that had witnessed the incident described those involved as differentiated from a broader categorisation defined in terms of partying.

MS: So you regard people who do stuff like that as idiots? G Yes, of course. MS: Not everybody thinks like that, some think that that is really great G Actually I do not care at all if somebody is a Croat or English or whatever.

Was that appropriate? H2: Very good, yes, it is appropriate, they were very fast and it was good, yeah. They immediately took one down and carried him away.

And this is nice. Loud music and this is good G They dissolved in the end Even fans that were interviewed later in the tournament referred to the positive context that they perceived during their stay in Portugal and linked this specifically to a sense of unity between fans from different nations.

Well, you always see some rivalry of course but Well I was down there in Porto at the harbour, where really: There were English together with Italians, Swedes, Danes, Portuguese, Germans, Latvians, all together, there was a mega party, absolutely peaceful!

All united by football and keen on having a big football feast. And this is what the hosts definitely 50 achieved: To make a football party for the fans!

Not overdoing security, or putting merchandise upfront but organising a football feast for the fans who came down here.

Respect Portugal, really! Stott et al. The analysis suggests that the policing was carried out low profile, in line with the stated security concept of the Portuguese police.

A discrepancy between German fans expectations of negative group relations based on historically rooted rivalry and actual positive intergroup relations that they experienced in Portugal was evident.

From this two sets of fan identity seemed to emerge: a form of national identity was expected to be salient in a confrontational context, where violent others were not differentiated from the category.

The analysis suggests that the low profile policing contributed to this positive context. In situations of low risk fans saw the unobtrusive behaviour of police officers related to the overall positive atmosphere.

However, the impact of the policing on the festive atmosphere was even more evident during a conflict situation at the Ribeira. Low profile policing tactics allowed for a quick and targeted arrest of confrontational fans and prevented further escalation.

The perception of this legitimate policing facilitated the shift toward an identity where category boundaries were defined in terms of non-violent behaviour rather in terms of nationality.

These findings have a great deal of correspondence with the processes that occurred among England fans that attended the tournament in Portugal Stott et al.

Research among both sets of fan groups suggests that the absence of large scale disorder can be associated with the style of policing.

While the experience of legitimate policing instigated processes of self-policing among England fans, this was not evident at the incident at the Ribeira.

However, in both cases a connection was evident between low profile policing and the support of non-violent group norms among the wider crowd and the disempowerment and marginalisation of confrontational groups.

The present study therefore provides support for the ESIM research on the absence of violence at crowd events.

Suggestions can be made that 51 the processes the model proposes are not limited to a single cultural group but also apply to groups from other countries, as it was shown here with respect to German fans.

It must be noted though that the current study is not conclusive. There is need for further research in order to sustain the possibility that ESIM dynamics are cross cultural.

Processes found here could for example have been limited to the specific context of Euro at which both England and Germany fans reacted in similar ways.

Additional research is therefore suggested on German and other fan groups in different policing contexts. Implications for policing and research The positive atmosphere of the Euro has been praised e.

Deutsche Welle, ; Klemm, and considering the small arrest numbers, it can be regarded the most peaceful major football tournament in Europe in the last 30 years.

The PSP has effectively managed crowd dynamics and the fan accounts reveal the positive social psychological outcomes.

A main feature here was the fact that police officers both plain cloths and visible police were embedded in the crowd, enabling them to monitor for and react to risk that was critical.

As indicated before, the issues of the approach have meanwhile been integrated in practical policing and the current paper likewise supports the application of the low profile approach as a powerful tool of managing crowd events.

So while comprehensive policing tactics and procedures are available, research is able to provide answers to why and under which circumstances they can be used most effectively.

It may be concluded that not only the application of appropriate tactics but also the understanding of the underlying philosophy are essential for successful public order management.

Home Office. Data collection was made possible through the long-term co-operation of the U. Thanks should also be extended to Klaus Boehnke from Jacobs University Bremen and Otto Adang from the Police Academy of the Netherlands, for their comments on an earlier version of this paper.

Otto Adang was also co-supervisor of the broader research project and provided some additional observations. And finally we would like to give our thanks to all the anonymous fans that attended Euro and contributed greatly to this research.

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Alphen aan den Rijn: Samsom. Allport, F. Social Psychology. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. Policing contentious politics in Denmark and in Sweden.

Maastricht: Shaker Publishing. Boyatzis, Richard, E. Transforming qualitative information: Thematic analysis and code development.

Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Della Porta, A. Aldershot, Burlington: Ashgate, The Policing of Protest in Western Democracies. Reiter Eds. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Deutsche Welle Fans, not Hooligans the Story of Portugal. The intergroup dynamics of collective empowerment: Substantiating the social identity model.

Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 2, Drury, J. Explaining enduring empowerment: A comparative study of collective action and psychological outcomes.

European Journal of Social Psychology, 35, Collective action and psychological change: The emergence of new social identities.

EU Updated handbook with recommendations for international police cooperation and measures to prevent and control violence and disturbances in connection with football matches with an international dimension, in which at least one Member State is involved.

Safety fears force Uefa to move Croatia match. Report on Euro A report on the FA's role in off-field initiatives and services provided for supporters.

The Independent Football Commission. Beyond Paramilitarism. The British Journal of Criminology, 27, 1, Pondering Paramilitarism: A Question of Standpoints?

The British Journal of Criminology 33, Jefferson, T. The Case Against Paramilitary Policing. London: Milton Keynes. Open University Press.

Kellehear, A. Klemm, T. Apfelsinenkulturen an der Algarve: Stimmung statt Randale. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Kritzer, H. Political protest and political violence: a nonrecursive causal model.

Social Forces 55, Le Bon, G. The Crowd: A study of the popular mind. London: Ernest Benn. McPhail, C. The myth of the madding crowd. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.

Protest Policing in the United States. Noakes, J. Peterson, A. Confidential document of the Portuguese Security Police.

Lisbon: Home Office. Reicher, S. Crowd behaviour as social action. Turner, M. Hogg, P. Oakes, S. Wetherell Eds.

Oxford: Blackwell. An integrated approach to crowd psychology and pubic order policing. European Journal of Social Psychology, 26, Knowledge based public order policing: Principles and practice.

Reid, K. Exploring lived experience. The Psychologist, 18, Sighele, S. La foule criminelle. Essai de psychologie collective. Paris: Alean. Smith, Jonathan A.

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Grimshaw Ed. Chicago: Aldine. Stott, C. Human Relations, 53, British Journal of Social Psychology, 40, Sociology, 32, Mobilnummer ändern An diese Nummer senden wir Ihnen einen Aktivierungscode.

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Inhalt vom Modal Schliessen Schliessen. Menü Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen, zur Startseite. Menü schliessen Schliessen. Livestreams schauen. Mit Nancy wurde er Erster in der zweiten Liga und gewann den französischen Pokal.

Mit Saint-Etienne gewann er die französische Meisterschaft und war zweimal Finalteilnehmer im französischen Pokal.

Mit Turin gewann er einen italienischen Pokal, 2 Serie A Meisterschaften und 4 verschiedene internationale Titel und ein verlorenes Finale.

Er war dreimal der beste Torschütze der italienischen Meisterschaft. Er spielte auch 72 Spiele mit der französischen Nationalmannschaft, wobei er mal Kapitän war und 41 Tore erzielte.

Etienne gewonnen hatte, genoss Platini eine lange und fruchtbare Karriere und trat auf dem Höhepunkt seines Schaffens zurück, als er noch ganz oben mitspielte.

Der holländische Teamkapitän Johan Cruyff bekommt eine gelbe Karte. Cruyff, der dreimal in seiner phänomenalen Karriere , 73 und 74 den Ballon d'Or gewinnen konnte, festigte seinen Ruf zunächst bei Ajax, wo er die niederländischen Giganten zu mehreren Ligatiteln und 3 beeindruckenden Europameisterschaften führte.

Weswegen man sich an Cruyff in der modernen Zeit jedoch am besten erinnert, ist der Wandel, den er in Barcelona gebracht hat.

Barcelona verdankt viel von dem, was sie heute sind, Johan Cruyff. Johan kam und revolutionierte alles. In unserer ewigen Bestenliste steht der Holländer damit auf Platz 8 und hat sich seinen Platz in der Ruhmeshalle redlich verdient.

Geboren wurde er am Der brasilianische Stürmer, der und die prestigeträchtige Trophäe des Ballon d'Or erlangen konnte, ist vielleicht am besten für seine Leistungen bei den Weltmeisterschaften und für die brasilianische Nationalmannschaft bekannt.

Ronaldo hat seine besten Leistungen immer für die Weltmeisterschaft reserviert. Ronaldo kam nach einer Verletzung zurück und eroberte die Welt im Sturm.

Er war der Torschützenkönig, erzielte unglaubliche 8 Tore und gewann damit den Goldenen Schuh. Der legendäre Stürmer war wie ein Raubtier und beim Abschluss absolut tödlich.

Hätte das Phänomen nicht soviel Verletzungspech gehabt, hätte Ronaldo auf dieser Liste vielleicht noch einen höheren Rang erreicht.

Der Ronaldo, der nach einer Langzeitverletzung im Jahr zurückkehrte, war ein toller Torschütze, aber die Version aus den er Jahren war ein einzigartiger Spieler.

Di Stefano, der für seine Erfolge mit Real Madrid am besten bekannt ist, erzielte in Einsätzen unglaubliche Tore und gewann mit Los Blancos 15 wichtige Trophäen, darunter 5 Europatitel.

Stefano spielte als Stürmer oder als offensiver Mittelfeldspieler zusammen mit Puskas und Gento. Alfredo Di Stefano brachte immer sein bestes Spiel im Finale des Europapokals, die beste Leistung der Legende von Real Madrid kam wahrscheinlich beim Finalsieg gegen Eintracht Frankfurt im Jahre , wo er das Spiel absolut beherrschte und alles und jeden Spieler auf dem Platz kontrollierte.

Er war gleichzeitig der Anker in der Verteidigung, der Spielmacher im Mittelfeld und der gefährlichste Schütze im Angriff. Di Stefano ist ein kompletter Spieler, der mit seiner Vielseitigkeit auf vielen Positionen eingesetzt werden konnte.

Der Einfluss von Di Stefano auf sein Team kann nicht höher eingeschätzt werden. Westdeutschland gewann In dieser Zeit trat Beckenbauer auch der deutschen Nationalmannschaft bei und bestritt insgesamt Länderspiele.

Er führte die Mannschaft zu den historischen Siegen bei der Europameisterschaft und der Weltmeisterschaft Einige Monate später wurde er zum Trainer der deutschen Nationalmannschaft ernannt und brachte die Mannschaft als Nationaltrainer zu ihrem Sieg bei der Weltmeisterschaft Er wurde einer von zwei Männern, die den Pokal als Spieler und Trainer gewinnen konnten.

Jede Bewegung, die er auf dem Spielfeld machte, war von Eleganz geprägt. Er erzielte das Tor, mit dem Westdeutschland zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte gegen England gewinnen konnte.

Auf Vereinsniveau setzte sich der Erfolg fort, als er die Bayern zur ersten Bundesliga-Meisterschaft führte. In dieser Zeit der späten sechziger Jahre begann Beckenbauer mit der Taktik zu experimentieren, Angriffe vom Verteidigungszentrum aus zu starten.

Damit wurde er über Nacht zu einem Helden und einer Ikone. Es folgte eine beeindruckende Leistung bei der Euro , bei der Frankreich erneut gewann und Zidane zum Spieler des Turniers gekürt wurde.

Ich glaube nicht, dass jemand mit ihm mithalten kann, wenn es darum geht, den Ball zu passen oder anzunehmen. Zidane hatte damit ein weiteres Mal gezeigt, dass man immer auf ihn zählen kann, in den entscheidenden Momenten zu glänzen.

Bis er sich aus dem Sport zurückzog, gehörte Zidane zu den besten Spielern der Welt. Geboren und aufgewachsen in Argentinien, wurde bei Messi als Kind ein Wachstumshormonmangel diagnostiziert.

Im Alter von 13 Jahren zog er nach Spanien, um dem FC Barcelona beizutreten, der Verein hatte sich im Gegenzug bereiterklärt, für seine medizinische Behandlung zu zahlen.

Im Oktober gab Messi mit 17 Jahren sein Profidebüt. Dem FC Barcelona ist er seine gesamte Karriere über treu geblieben und in dieser Saison sieht es so aus, als würden sie neben dem Copa Del Rey auch die Meisterschaft mühelos gewinnen, auch in der Champions League sind sie zum Zeitpunkt dieses Artikels Als nächstes geht es hier im Viertelfinale gegen Manchester United am.

And I've never seen anybody comment, looking at a football game , saying, "All those people in the stands, they have too much time on their hands.

To Mrs Plooij-van Gorsel can only quote a saying from football : a miss is as good as mile! The Council's attitude in this game of football seems to be not to worry about the ball but to get on with the game.

Madam President, I think that what is missing is a comment on the football match between Italy and France.

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Why not have a go at them together! Er ist Torschützenkönig aller Zeiten mit Toren unter seinem Namen und er ist auch Torschützenkönig der spanischen Liga mit mehr als Toren.

Als er zu Barcelona wechselte, war es zu dieser Zeit eine Weltrekord-Transfer-Gebühr, aber seine Zeit in Barcelona war kurzlebig, voller Kontroversen und mangelnder Leistung, da er nur eine "Copa del Rey" Trophäe mit Barcelona gewinnen konnte.